Hatred Gone Too Far
It doesn’t take much effort to figure out that the young man who tried to murder Trump was motivated by hate. In my view, that is the crux of the problems facing both our countries. Who introduced hatred into the public discourse? We are no strangers to impassioned debates, even including screams and epithets, as well as public protests and fierce accusations hurled by both sides of the political divide. Hatred, however, is something new. Why should anyone be filled with hate? Why was it introduced into the world of politics? Hatred may well be the source of most of the problems facing America and Israel today, but it is completely out of place, and it leads to many other evils.
You, the readers of Yated Ne’eman, may have noticed the timing of the assassination attempt, which came on the heels of the article I wrote last week about the incitement against Netanyahu. I quoted the leading figures in the Shin Bet who fear that it is only a matter of time until an attempt is made on Netanyahu’s life, and I gave you some examples of the hate that is regularly spewed in Israel against the prime minister. Netanyahu has been dubbed a traitor and has been accused of being worse than Hezbollah head Nasrallah; he has been warned by protestors that they are waiting for him with a hangman’s rope, and he has been described as the devil. These aren’t merely terms of antipathy used by political rivals or people with ideological disagreements with the prime minister; these are expressions of sheer, unmitigated hatred. And just as the question begs to be asked in America, it is compelling in Israel as well: Why is he despised? Where did his opponents get these hateful feelings from? Aren’t we all brothers? Couldn’t political rivalry come without personal abhorrence? Lest anyone think that the feelings of hatred are not dangerous to anyone, the events in America this past Shabbos should make it clear that hatred can have deadly consequences.
Incitement Video Viewed by Government Ministers
My article on the incitement against Netanyahu was published last week and I cannot lay claim to any prescient premonitions of what was to come. I simply applied my observations of the events taking place around me, together with my personal experience, and drew the obvious conclusions. I did not foresee the attempt on Donald Trump’s life, but I did read the handwriting on the wall here in Israel.
What observations am I referring to? For one thing, I recently saw Netanyahu’s motorcade in transit on two occasions, once within Yerushalayim and the second time on Highway One, the main artery that connects Yerushalayim and Tel Aviv. I observed the veritable hysteria with which his entourage drove, as if they were surrounded by tangible, immediate threats. I also noticed the camouflaged ambulance that has been recently added to the motorcade. Every intelligent person understands that if someone in a position of power — possibly the head of the personal security division, if not the director of the Shin Bet— decided that it was necessary to include an ambulance in the prime minister’s convoy, it can only mean that they feel that Netanyahu is facing the threat of physical harm. I have also been watching the behavior of Netanyahu’s bodyguards in the Knesset, which is a very secure building, and even in the lounge behind the Knesset plenum. Even in these places, which are ostensibly among the most secure areas in the country, his personal guards are tense, vigilant, and fiercely protective. Considering the atmosphere of incitement against Netanyahu, this led me to a single inevitable conclusion: The intelligence services believe that it is only a matter of time until an assassination attempt is made against Israel’s prime minister.
This Sunday, the subject was raised in the cabinet, and the ministers spent an hour discussing the matter before they began their agenda for the day. A video was shown to the ministers with a sampling of the vicious rhetoric that has been used against the prime minister. (Most of the most egregious statements were quoted in my article last week.) The ministers were shocked by these displays of unbridled hate and fierce incitement, and everyone saw an immediate connection between the contents of the video and the events in Pennsylvania. Justice Minister Yariv Levin said somberly, “It is a miracle that we haven’t already experienced an incident like what happened in the United States. We have been trying to sound the alarm that such a thing could happen here. The judicial system has abandoned the prime minister.”
Transportation Minister Miri Regev said, “This incitement against the prime minister is unacceptable. People in a democracy do not set fires on public roads, and they do not post pictures of the prime minister with blood on his hands. We are facing an impossible reality, and we are far beyond the point when it is too late.”
Itamar Ben-Gvir, the Minister of National Security, said, “The time has come to hold a hearing for those who prevent indictments, prevent enforcement, and enable incitement. MK Naama Lazimi (Labor) was documented committing arson [burning a tire]. This is a serious crime, but the attorney general isn’t allowing an investigation. If the same thing had been done by any of us [i.e., the right-wing politicians] does anyone doubt that the attorney general would investigate it on the very next day?” he demanded.
Finance Minister Smotrich added, “Remember, a woman was arrested simply for making a comment to Mandelblit [the previous attorney general] on the street.”
Avi Dichter, the Minister of Agriculture and former head of the Shin Bet, said, “The incitement today is eighty times greater than it was before the assassination of Prime Minister Rabin. I saw this as the person who was responsible for rehabilitating the personal security division after the assassination. The incitement today is even coming from a former bodyguard of the prime minister, from senior officials in the air force, and from a general in the reserves.”
Netanyahu, who was visibly appalled by the contents of the video, said, “We all watched in horror yesterday as an assassination attempt was made against Donald Trump, the former president of the United States and current presidential candidate. This wasn’t just a heinous crime; it was also an attempt to destroy American democracy. We are happy to report that Trump was miraculously saved. He is recovering now, and he appears to be regaining his strength. On behalf of myself, my wife Sara, the ministers of the government of Israel, and the entire people of Israel, I would like to wish him a speedy recovery and a complete return to health.”
IDF Probes the Events of October 7
I have much more to write about. Perhaps the most important topic today is the ongoing battle over drafting yeshiva bochurim. This is still a pressing issue, and it seems poised to remain a pressing issue for a long time. The gedolei Yisroel have spoken about the matter and will continue to voice their sentiments. But before I touch on that topic, let me first write about the investigation into the events of Simchas Torah in Kibbutz Be’eri.
As you are undoubtedly aware, many people object to investigations taking place during a war. The government objected even to allowing the state comptroller to write a report about the institutional failures on that day. The reason is simple: The middle of a war is not a time for investigative committees to be formed, whether they are government committees, military committees, or civilian committees. Even a simple inquiry should not be held while the country is at war. This is a very reasonable position to take, but it is clearly not universally held. The army tends to investigate every unusual event even during wartime — or, better yet, especially during wartime. Whenever something goes awry, the IDF conducts an immediate probe, with an emphasis on deriving practical conclusions and reprimanding any officers who erred. This has always been the practice of the Israeli army. These internal probes aren’t meant to take the place of an investigative committee; these are processes that take place within the IDF.
One of the senior officers in the IDF today who is fighting in Gaza is Brigadier General Barak Chiram. (The rank of brigadier general is one notch below the rank of major general.) Chiram hails from the national religious community, and the trend in the IDF today is to try to prevent anyone from that sector of the population from rising through the ranks. This is likely a deliberate crime on the part of the top brass of the IDF, all of whom are affiliated with the left side of the political map, but it is also an undeniable reality.
On October 7, Chiram voluntarily rushed to the kibbutzim in the Gaza envelope as soon as he became aware of the unfolding situation. He arrived with a small group of soldiers and began gathering other troops from elite IDF units who had likewise come to the scene spontaneously. With this expanded group of soldiers, Chiram began moving from place to place to rescue Israelis from the invading terrorists. In every community, he joined the local security squad and attempted to kill the terrorists who were arriving in droves and to rescue local residents and hostages. At 4:00 in the afternoon, he arrived in Kibbutz Be’eri, where desperate pleas for help had been received from the embattled residents. Under his command, the soldiers fought the many terrorists who had invaded the kibbutz. Thirty-one combatants were killed in the fierce battle: five members of the kibbutz’s security squad, nineteen IDF soldiers, and seven police officers.
In one incident in Be’eri, dozens of terrorists had barricaded themselves in a home in the kibbutz together with about fourteen hostages. Chiram ordered a tank to fire two shells at the house to make it possible for Yamam commandos to break into it, and the shelling caused part of the roof to collapse. All the terrorists in the house were killed, along with almost all the hostages, except for one woman who survived. The army’s probe found that the shells were fired at the house after most of the hostages had been killed, and the investigators determined that Chiram had acted professionally and that there was no reason to find fault with his actions. Another military report stated, “It should be mentioned that this was the turning point that led to the army regaining control over the kibbutz. At the time of this incident, battles against the terrorists were continuing throughout the kibbutz, as residents who were barricaded in their homes were being extracted, many of them wounded. The commander of the Southern Command joined the battle on Sunday, and the fighting continued until Monday afternoon.”
It was obvious from the start that the incident in Kibbutz Be’eri would be used against Chiram. As a religious officer in the IDF, he has long been targeted by opponents seeking to stunt his career. His critics were undoubtedly pleased by another incident that left him open to criticism as well: In January 2024, during the war in Gaza, Chiram ordered his troops to bomb the campus of Al-Israa University, which he felt posed a danger to his soldiers. The army claimed that he should have received authorization from a higher-ranking general before taking that action, and a formal reprimand from the chief of staff was entered into his record. The general impression on the political right was that this was a deliberate ploy to prevent him from advancing through the ranks. Based on all the army’s rules, and the amount of time he has spent in the army, Chiram should already have been promoted to the highest rank.
Chiram’s Name Is Cleared
On Thursday, the IDF published the results of its detailed inquiry into the army’s conduct in Kibbutz Be’eri on Simchas Torah. The residents of Be’eri waited many hours for the IDF to arrive, but the army never showed up. Everyone felt at the time that the State of Israel had failed to live up to its obligation to protect its citizens. Those feelings have now been formally verified by the IDF officer responsible for investigating the army’s response to the massacre.
Here are the main findings of the probe: “The 340 terrorists who occupied the kibbutz faced only 26 soldiers. Around 9:00, the soldiers of the Shaldag unit were ordered to leave the scene of the fighting, and it was only at 1:00 that Brigadier General Barak Chiram regained control of Be’eri. At ‘Pessi’s house,’ the soldiers were not aware of the six hostages who were in the courtyard. The decision to fire a tank shell at the house was made after the terrorists threatened to commit suicide and kill everyone. The kibbutz had been conquered, and the armory was closed.”
The results of the probe presented by General (res.) Edelstein indicated that the attack on Be’eri began at 6:30 a.m. and continued until the evening of Sunday, October 8, when the army announced that the kibbutz had been cleared of terrorists. During those long hours of fighting, 101 civilians and 31 members of the security services were killed. Between 8:00 and 1:00 on Simchas Torah, thirty civilians were taken hostage from the kibbutz. Between the hours of 9:00 and 1:00 on October 7, Kibbutz Be’eri was designated a conquered zone, with estimates placing the number of terrorists in the kibbutz at about 340 at its highest point, while there were only 26 Israeli combatants present to fight them. This number included members of the kibbutz’s security squad and a team of thirteen soldiers from the Shaldag unit, who arrived by helicopter after all the roads were closed. The remaining IDF forces in the area were busy fighting terrorists who had attacked them directly and were therefore unable to reach the kibbutz.
The security squad was summoned as soon as the attack began. However, they found themselves facing a major hurdle in the very first moments of the attack: The armory where all their weapons were stored was locked on that morning, and only two members of the squad had keys. Those two men had both been killed, and it was impossible to retrieve the weapons from the armory.
I could easily write an entire article about the findings of this probe, which demonstrate the degree to which Israel’s vaunted army failed miserably on October 7. But my main point here is the army’s conclusion as to whether Barak Chiram erred in his judgment.
The investigators found that Chiram’s use of the tank to bring pressure to bear on the terrorists was “selective and localized.” Moreover, they wrote, “In light of the complex and difficult circumstances that prevailed, the commanders and soldiers who were acting at the event made professional, responsible decisions, maximizing their efforts to negotiate. The tank fire toward the vicinity of the house was carried out in a professional manner, based on a joint decision of the commanders from all the organizations, with careful thought and an assessment of the situation and for the purpose of exerting pressure on the terrorists and rescuing the hostages.”
The bottom line, although it is not stated explicitly in the report, is that the cloud of suspicion that hovered over Barak Chiram over the past few months regarding his decision to fire on the house has dissipated. The investigators have decided that the senior officials acted professionally and in a coordinated fashion, in light of the complex situation on the ground. It is high time for Chiram’s critics to apologize to him for defaming him, and even to see to it that his frozen career advancement is restarted.
Missiles in the North and South; Car Ramming in the Center
It saddens me to have to report this, but it is the reality: Even amid the tensions between the right and left within our country, our wicked enemies are continuing to oppose us with all their might. Last weekend, eight civilians were wounded in the north by direct hits from Hezbollah missiles. The communities of northern Israel, from Metulla and Kiryat Shemona to the kibbutzim, are constantly in the line of fire. Most of the residents have already been evacuated from their homes, but if only eight people were wounded by the missile fire, that is actually a miracle, since the bombardment could have wounded or killed hundreds. On Friday, the media reported the death of Sergeant First Class Valeriy Chaponov from Netanya, who was seriously wounded on Thursday in a missile strike near Kibbutz Kabri.
Meanwhile, the fighting in the Gaza Strip has continued unabated, and terrorists in Gaza are continuing to fire missiles toward the settlements near the Gaza border. The Arabs in Gaza are under constant IDF fire, but that hasn’t stopped them from launching missiles. Five missiles were launched on Thursday and were intercepted. In addition, the IDF attacked the terrorists who were firing the missiles and killed them. It is no secret that the IDF has sophisticated technology that enables it to monitor everything taking place in Rafah, Khan Yunis, and elsewhere in Gaza. Terrorists are being constantly eliminated.
Last Thursday, a miracle occurred in Shomron, when terrorists lobbed three Molotov cocktails at a car carrying a mother and seven children in Mateh Binyomin, which is close to the center of the country. Fortunately, the family was unharmed. Unfortunately, that wasn’t the only incident of terrorism. On Sunday, a car-ramming attack occurred at the Nir Tzvi junction. It is somewhat emotionally wrenching for me to write about it, because that junction is the turnoff to Be’er Yaakov, which is where I grew up. It is also only a short distance from the next junction, which is at the location of the Tzrifin Army Base and Assaf Harofeh Hospital. The terrorist, of course, was an Israeli Arab; the audacity of this segment of the population has been mounting.
As of this writing, it is reported that four people were injured in the attack, including two youths in their twenties who were critically injured. The third victim was moderately injured, and a fourth suffered only light injuries. The victims were treated by paramedics at the scene of the attack and were transported to Assaf Harofeh Hospital in Beer Yaakov, where the doctors are fighting for the life of one critically injured victim as I write these lines. May Hashem send him a refuah sheleimah. The terrorist was neutralized. An initial investigation suggests that the terrorist acted on his own and was not part of a terror cell (in which case the attack would have indicated a failure on the part of the Shin Bet, with its robust network of informants). The terrorist is a resident of East Yerushalayim who holds a blue Israeli identity card and appears to have been acting to avenge the apparent elimination of Mohammed Deif.
Did Israel Finally Eliminate Mohammed Deif?
That brings me to the next news item: the Israeli effort to eliminate Mohammed Deif. Israel has already made eight attempts to assassinate the arch-terrorist in the past, but he has always escaped death, often at the last possible moment. The latest attempt on his life was quite recent; this past July, Israeli fighter jets, directed by the intelligence division of the IDF and the Shin Bet, targeted a Hamas building in the Gaza Strip where Deif was believed to be located, together with the commander of the terrorists in Khan Yunis. According to statistics provided by the Gaza Health Ministry, 71 Palestinians were killed in tents near the building during the air strike, and 289 others were wounded. However, Deif was not there.
Mohammed Deif (an Arabic word for guest) is a shortened version of the name Mohammed Diab Ibrahim al-Masri. Deif is the commander of the military wing of Hamas, making him the equivalent of a chief of staff of an army. He has long had the status of the most wanted Hamas terrorist, together with Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas, who is currently holding Israeli hostages. Deif commanded the military wing of Hamas and masterminded the brutal massacre of October 7th. On the first day of the attack, this mass murderer released an announcement calling on terrorists and Gazan citizens to “carry out your attacks on the settlements with every means and all weapons that are available to you…. Today, anyone who has a gun must use it. This is the time for it, and every one of you must go out with your truck, your car, or your axe. A new era is beginning today, a brighter and more honorable era.” In the same announcement, Deif wrote that the entire attack would be carried out in revenge for the Jews’ actions on Har Habayis. He also called on the Arabs of Israel to participate in the attack on southern Israel.
This week, when Shabbos ended, we were informed that Israel had attacked Khan Yunis on Shabbos and had succeeded in eliminating Mohammed Deif and Rafaa Salameh, another high-ranking Hamas terrorist. Salameh was Deif’s right-hand man and occupied the position that was previously held by Yahya Sinwar. The media has made sure to specify that Deif is believed to have been killed, but his death hasn’t yet been confirmed. As of now, we know with certainty that Salameh was killed, since his body was found in the rubble; however, Deif’s remains have yet to be found. Hamas has been mocking Israel, claiming that Deif is still alive, and is laughing at the belief that he was killed.
Precise Intelligence and a Pinpointed Assassination
Once again, dozens of Palestinians were killed in the attack on the area where Mohammed Deif was located. The IDF claims that the victims include at least 35 terrorists who participated in the massacre on October 7. According to intelligence assessments by the IDF, dozens of bodies were brought to the hospital in Dir-al-Balach. The Palestinians claimed that the death toll was over 90. The hospital was heavily reinforced by Hamas with the goal of making it difficult for Israel to identify the bodies, one of which might be Deif. An announcement from the IDF spokesman noted that Salameh was a close associate of Deif who joined Hamas in the 1990s and was appointed a battalion commander in the Khan Yunis Brigade under the command of Mohammed Sinwar, the brother of Yahya Sinwar. Salameh played a central role in the kidnapping of Gilad Shalit, oversaw Hamas’ planning during Operation Protective Edge, and was responsible for the tunnel program in Khan Yunis. In 2016, he replaced Mohammed Sinwar as commander of the Khan Yunis Brigade and oversaw an attempted infiltration of Israel through a tunnel during Operation Guardian of the Walls, when eighteen terrorists were eliminated. The IDF also noted that Salameh oversaw the Hamas terrorists in the Khan Yunis brigade and was responsible for all the missile launches from the Khan Yunis region. “His elimination is a significant blow to Hamas’ military capabilities,” they asserted. Major General Yaron Finkelman, the head of the Southern Command, said, “We have carried out a significant attack using precise intelligence and operational data and a forceful offensive. This was a joint operation [between the IDF and the Shin Bet] that made good use of the relative advantages of each organization.”
An Unusual Press Conference
This Motzoei Shabbos, Prime Minister Netanyahu held a first press conference for the first time in three months. Netanyahu stated that it was not known with certainty that Mohammed Deif had been eliminated, and then he added, “The State of Israel, through the IDF and the Shin Bet, attacked Gaza today with the goal of eliminating Mohammed Deif and his deputy, Rafaa Salameh. We are still not certain that the two were eliminated [although Salameh’s death was later confirmed – TY] but I want to promise you that, one way or another, we will reach the entire upper echelons of Hamas. Last night at midnight, when the director of the Shin Bet presented the details of the operation to me, I wanted to know three things. First, I wanted to make sure that our intelligence showed no signs of hostages in their vicinity. Second, I wanted to know the extent of the expected collateral damage. And finally, I wanted to know the type of armaments that would be used. When I received answers that satisfied me, I gave the green light for the operation.”
Netanyahu continued, “Many people have been asking when this war will end. My response is clear: It will end only when we have accomplished all the goals of the war, and not a moment earlier. Victory will be achieved when we have eliminated Hamas’ military and governance abilities, when we have brought the hostages home, when we have guaranteed that Gaza will no longer be a threat to Israel, and when we have enabled the residents of the north and the south to return home safely. That is absolute victory.
“In recent weeks, we have been seeing clear cracks in Hamas,” Netanyahu added. “We have seen changes result from the severe blows we have been dealing to it. We are seeing weakness. Today’s operation, regardless of its results, has contributed to that as well. The leaders of Hamas are hiding in tunnels, cut off from their forces in the field. The Gazan populace understands the scope of the tragedy that has been brought upon them by Hamas, which many of them supported.”
How Will the Operation Affect a Hostage Deal?
Netanyahu also addressed the mounting concerns that the operation in Gaza will impede the talks for the release of the hostages, possibly even bringing the process to a halt. The prime minister believes that military pressure against Hamas will only increase their motivation to make a deal, and that any show of weakness on Israel’s part will make the terror group even more recalcitrant.
“I am not budging from the deal that received President Biden’s agreement,” Netanyahu said. “I am not adding or subtracting any terms, but I will also not allow Hamas to budge one millimeter from it. Hamas asked for 29 changes to the deal, and I told our negotiating team and the Americans that we would not accept even a single change.” When he was asked if the air strike in Gaza would torpedo the chances for a deal, Netanyahu replied, “We haven’t made progress for months, and that is because the military pressure wasn’t intense enough. I felt that we needed to enter Rafah, both for the sake of a deal and for the purpose of defeating Hamas. There was tremendous international pressure not to go into Rafah, and there was pressure from America as well. The munitions shipments were decreased, to put it mildly, and I said to my friend Biden, ‘We have no choice; we must go into Rafah.’ And we went into Rafah and killed 900 terrorists. We killed hundreds of terrorists, and then things suddenly began moving. If there is any change in this situation, it will result only from strong military pressure and standing firm on our conditions. That is what will create change. That is why I completely reject the claims that I am preventing a deal with my rigidity. The exact opposite is true; I am making a deal possible.”
Remembering the Crimes Against the Yemenites
I still have much more to tell you, but I am running out of space. I wanted to write about Netanyahu’s clashes with the prosecution over the schedule of his criminal trial. I also wanted to write in much greater detail about the Israeli civilians who are facing criminal charges for killing terrorists on October 7 and allegedly taking the law into their own hands. This issue has stirred many passions here in Israel. And there are other stories of interest as well, such as Itamar Ben-Gvir’s feud with the attorney general over the appointment of the next chief of police or the abuse suffered by chareidi prisoners at the hands of the Prison Service. (I have received complaints about the issue directly from the inmates.) Of course, another top story is Netanyahu’s imminent trip to Washington. Will he finally fly on the Israeli airplane known as Wing of Zion? We will have to see. But for now, I will have to cut this column short.
Still, before I leave you for this week, I would like to share a couple of stories from the halls of the Knesset, which will begin its long summer recess next week. Chaim Daar, the Knesset’s beloved veteran usher, recently came to the Knesset building to view an exhibit of pictures from Yemen, and his eyes grew moist with tears. “This was Mori Chaim Faiz,” he said to MK Avrohom Betzalel, pointing to one of the images. “He used to teach young children in his store in the Sanaa market.” The exhibit of images of Jewish life in Yemen, which showcased the splendor of the Yemenite community before it was ravaged by the insidious ploys of the Zionist state, was arranged outside the party offices in the Knesset building. The breathtaking pictures are the work of photojournalist Naftoli Hilger, who has visited Yemen on seven separate occasions. The Yemenite Jewish Heritage Center deserves prodigious recognition for overseeing the project.
Last Tuesday, the Knesset focused heavily on the story of the Jews of Yemen, thanks to the efforts of MK Yonosan Mashriki, who is a member of the community and launched an initiative to document and commemorate the travails of the Jews of Yemen during their immigration to Eretz Yisroel. The story of the mass immigration from Yemen will be forever remembered to the credit of the wholesome, devout Yemenite community — and as a badge of eternal shame for the emissaries of the Israeli government who schemed to tear them away from Yiddishkeit. Mashriki feels a deep personal connection to his community’s heritage and its painful experiences. He recently spearheaded a discussion in the Knesset about the documents that disappeared from the computers of the Treasury. The series of heinous acts that began with cutting the peyos of Yemenite immigrants and continued with the theft of their artifacts, the humiliation of their elders, and the abduction of their children have continued to bring disgrace to the State of Israel. The exhibitions in the Knesset corridors, the discussions in the Knesset committees, and the special sessions of the Knesset were all entirely appropriate; the crimes of the state must never be allowed to be forgotten. This is not only for the sake of the previous generation but for the benefit of the present generation as well. The State of Israel hasn’t changed its ways, and one must always assume that it is waiting to do harm. May Hashem protect us all.
The Media’s Double Standard
You may recall that there is a certain member of the Knesset who objected that the IDF book week featured “Orthodox” Jewish literature but did not include heretical books as well. As further evidence of his twisted priorities, here is the text of a recent parliamentary query that he submitted: “It has come to my attention that the inmates in the Neve Tzedek military prison are not permitted to use the public phone on Shabbos for reasons pertaining to Shabbos observance, and that the ban remains in effect on Motzoei Shabbos as well. This policy harms the freedom of religion and detracts from the already small amount of time that is available to the soldiers to speak with their loved ones. Is this the official policy? If so, why is this the policy in Neve Tzedek, unlike on other IDF bases?” How unfortunate that this is his concern.
But let us turn to a different parliamentary query that was posed to Communications Minister Shlomo Karai about Kan 11, the state-owned media channel that was known in the past as Kol Yisroel. A longer query about the corporation’s budget ended with an interesting question: “Who are the twenty employees of the corporation with the highest salaries, and what are their responsibilities?” This is information that the public has the right to receive. Karai answered the questions about the corporation’s budget, which is enshrined in the Public Broadcasting Law, and about its revenues (mainly from radio fees), which stand at 780 million shekels annually. Regarding the wages of the highest-paid employees, he revealed that the salary of the lowest earner in that group was 34,000 shekels a month, and the highest salary stood at 49,488 shekels per month. The CEO’s monthly salary is 46,264 shekels. Amazingly, Karai did not name the twenty employees with the highest wages, referring to them merely as “a position holder” or “a talent.” He explained, “The information provided to us by the corporation does not include the employees’ identities, since revealing their identities might compromise their privacy.”
Since when, I had to wonder, is the corporation concerned about privacy considerations? And why do those considerations outweigh the public’s right to know which “talent” is making 41,200 shekels per month in taxpayer funds, and what that individual is providing in return? The broadcasting corporation, which maintains both a radio station and a television channel, serves up heaping daily portions of slander, defamation, and humiliation for anyone it chooses to target, yet its staff somehow becomes terrified of public exposure when they become the targets. These are people who have no mercy for those who are the subjects of their reports, who do not show the slightest concern for the lives that they might destroy with their venomous words, but they become incredibly sensitive when their honor is at stake. This is not just hypocrisy; it is an absolute disgrace.
The Boy Who Came Late
This story happened last month, but it still bears repeating for the simple lesson it teaches us — the eternal importance of giving others the benefit of the doubt.
It was the morning of Shavuos, and the streets of Givat Shaul were almost deserted. Most of the men and boys in the community had already gone to bed after a long night of learning followed by a festive davening. Here and there, a man or boy could be seen walking down the street toward one of the later morning minyanim, after sleeping through at least some part of the night. The 9:30 minyan at the Tausig shul, which is the most crowded minyan in the neighborhood on a typical Shabbos morning, hadn’t yet begun; only nine men had arrived, and they were waiting for a tenth while anxiously watching the minutes tick by on the clock, fearing that they might miss zman tefillah. The gabbai, Reb Chaim Wieder, was already there, as was Chaim Fuchsman, who is responsible for reminding the mispallelim to refrain from talking during davening. Shragi Kreuzer, who always makes sure to assign Mussaf and Maftir to chiyuvim, was present at the minyan. But without a tenth man, the davening could not begin.
That was when the young boy arrived. He entered the shul looking as energetic as ever, as if it wasn’t the morning after a full night of learning. But instead of opening a siddur to begin davening, he removed a Gemara from the shelf and began poring over it. The nine men looked at him quizzically. Not only was he not joining their minyan, but he also wasn’t davening at all. What happened to Birchos HaTorah and Birchos Hashachar? Had he decided to skip Shacharis for the day?
“Young man aren’t you joining us?” one of the mispallelim asked in a somewhat displeased tone.
“I have no problem completing your minyan,” the boy replied, “but I davened already.”
“You finished davening already?” the man asked in puzzlement.
“Yes, I davened at neitz after learning through the night.”
“Then what are you doing here?” he asked, puzzled by the fact that the boy wasn’t spending the morning in bed.
“I’m your baal korei today,” the young man replied.
